Mr. Vice President, Madame Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, Members of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, and most of all, the people of India.
I thank you for the great honor of addressing the representatives
of more than one billion Indians and the world's largest democracy. I
bring the greetings and friendship of the world's oldest democracy-the
U.S.A, including nearly three million proud and patriotic Indian
Americans.
Over the past three days, my wife Michelle and I have experienced the
beauty and dynamism of India and its people. From the majesty of
Humayun's Tomb to the advanced technologies that are empowering farmers
and women who are the backbone of Indian society.
From a Diwali celebration with schoolchildren to the innovators
who are fueling India's economic rise. From the university students who
will chart India's future, to you-leaders who helped to bring India to
this moment of promise.
At every stop, we have been welcomed with the hospitality for
which Indians have always been known. So to you and the people of India,
on behalf of me, Michelle and the American people, please accept our
deepest thanks. Bahoot dhanyavad.
I am not the first American president to visit India. Nor will I
be the last. But I am proud to visit India so early in my presidency. It
is no coincidence that India is my first stop on a visit to Asia, or
that this has been my longest visit to another country since becoming
President.
For in Asia and around the world, India is not simply emerging;
India has already emerged. And it is my firm belief that the
relationship between the United States and India-bound by our shared
interests and values-will be one of the defining partnerships of the
21st century. This is the partnership I have come here to build. This is
the vision that our nations can realize together.
My confidence in our shared future is grounded in my respect for
India's treasured past-a civilization that has been shaping the world
for thousands of years. Indians unlocked the intricacies of the human
body and the vastness of our universe. And it is no exaggeration to say
that our information age is rooted in Indian innovations-including the
number zero.
India not only opened our minds, she expanded our moral
imagination. With religious texts that still summon the faithful to
lives of dignity and discipline. With poets who imagined a future "where
the mind is without fear and the head is held high." And with a man
whose message of love and justice endures-the Father of your Nation,
Mahatma Gandhi.
For me and Michelle, this visit has therefore held special
meaning. Throughout my life, including my work as a young man on behalf
of the urban poor, I have always found inspiration in the life of
Gandhiji and in his simple and profound lesson to be the change we seek
in the world. And just as he summoned Indians to seek their destiny, he
influenced champions of equality in my own country, including a young
Martin Luther King. After making his pilgrimage to India a half century
ago, Dr. King called Gandhi's philosophy of non-violent resistance "the
only logical and moral approach" in the struggle for justice and
progress.
So we were honored to visit the residence where Gandhi and King
both stayed-Mani Bhavan. We were humbled to pay our respects at Raj
Ghat. And I am mindful that I might not be standing before you today, as
President of the United States, had it not been for Gandhi and the
message he shared with America and the world.
An ancient civilization of science and innovation. A fundamental
faith in human progress. This is the sturdy foundation upon which you
have built ever since that stroke of midnight when the tricolor was
raised over a free and independent India. And despite the skeptics who
said that this country was simply too poor, too vast, too diverse to
succeed, you surmounted overwhelming odds and became a model to the
world.
Instead of slipping into starvation, you launched a Green
Revolution that fed millions. Instead of becoming dependent on
commodities and exports, you invested in science and technology and in
your greatest resource-the Indian people. And the world sees the
results, from the supercomputers you build to the Indian flag that you
put on the moon.
Instead of resisting the global economy, you became one of its
engines-reforming the licensing raj and unleashing an economic marvel
that has lifted tens of millions from poverty and created one of the
world's largest middle classes.
Instead of succumbing to division, you have shown that the
strength of India-the very idea of India-is its embrace of all colors,
castes and creeds. It's the diversity represented in this chamber today.
It's the richness of faiths celebrated by a visitor to my hometown of
Chicago more than a century ago-the renowned Swami Vivekananda. He said
that, "holiness, purity and charity are not the exclusive possessions of
any church in the world, and that every system has produced men and
women of the most exalted character."
And instead of being lured by the false notion that progress must
come at the expense of freedom, you built the institutions upon which
true democracy depends-free and fair elections, which enable citizens to
choose their own leaders without recourse to arms; an independent
judiciary and the rule of law, which allows people to address their
grievances; and a thriving free press and vibrant civil society which
allows every voice to be heard. And this year, as India marks 60 years
with a strong and democratic constitution, the lesson is clear: India
has succeeded, not in spite of democracy; India has succeeded because of
democracy.
Just as India has changed, so too has the relationship between
our two nations. In the decades after independence, India advanced its
interests as a proud leader of the nonaligned movement. Yet too often,
the United States and India found ourselves on opposite sides of a
North-South divide and estranged by a long Cold War. Those days are
over.
Here in India, two successive governments led by different
parties have recognized that deeper partnership with America is both
natural and necessary. In the United States, both of my predecessors-one
Democrat, one Republican-worked to bring us closer, leading to
increased trade and a landmark civil nuclear agreement.
Since then, people in both our countries have asked: what next?
How can we build on this progress and realize the full potential of our
partnership? That is what I want to address today-the future that the
United States seeks in an interconnected world; why I believe that India
is indispensable to this vision; and how we can forge a truly global
partnership-not in just one or two areas, but across many; not just for
our mutual benefit, but for the world's.
Of course, only Indians can determine India's national interests
and how to advance them on the world stage. But I stand before you today
because I am convinced that the interests of the United States-and the
interests we share with India-are best advanced in partnership.
The United States seeks security-the security of our country,
allies and partners. We seek prosperity-a strong and growing economy in
an open international economic system. We seek respect for universal
values. And we seek a just and sustainable international order that
promotes peace and security by meeting global challenges through
stronger global cooperation.
To advance these interests, I have committed the United States to
comprehensive engagement with the world, based on mutual interest and
mutual respect. And a central pillar of this engagement is forging
deeper cooperation with 21st century centers of influence-and that
includes India. This is why I believe that India and America are
indispensable partners in meeting the challenges of our time.
Since taking office, I've therefore made our relationship a
priority. I was proud to welcome Prime Minister Singh for the first
official state visit of my presidency. For the first time ever, our
governments are working together across the whole range of common
challenges we face. And let me say it as clearly as I can: the United
States not only welcomes India as a rising global power, we fervently
support it, and we have worked to help make it a reality.
Together with our partners, we have made the G20 the premier
forum for international economic cooperation, bringing more voices to
the table of global economic decision-making, including India. We have
increased the role of emerging economies like India at international
financial institutions. We valued India's important role at Copenhagen,
where, for the first time, all major economies committed to take action
to confront climate change-and to stand by those actions. We salute
India's long history as a leading contributor to United Nations
peacekeeping missions. And we welcome India as it prepares to take its
seat on the United Nations Security Council.
In short, with India assuming its rightful place in the world, we
have an historic opportunity to make the relationship between our two
countries a defining partnership of the century ahead. And I believe we
can do so by working together in three important areas.
First, as global partners we can promote prosperity in both our
countries. Together, we can create the high-tech, high-wage jobs of the
future. With my visit, we are now ready to begin implementing our civil
nuclear agreement. This will help meet India's growing energy needs and
create thousands of jobs in both our countries.
We need to forge partnerships in high-tech sectors like defense
and civil space. So we have removed Indian organizations from our
so-called "entity list." And we'll work to reform our controls on
exports. Both of these steps will ensure that Indian companies seeking
high-tech trade and technologies from America are treated the same as
our closest allies and partners.
We can pursue joint research and development to create green
jobs; give Indians more access to cleaner, affordable energy; meet the
commitments we made at Copenhagen; and show the possibilities of
low-carbon growth.
Together, we can resist the protectionism that stifles growth and
innovation. The United States remains-and will continue to remain-one
of the most open economies in the world. And by opening markets and
reducing barriers to foreign investment, India can realize its full
economic potential as well. As G20 partners, we can make sure the global
economic recovery is strong and durable. And we can keep striving for a
Doha Round that is ambitious and balanced-with the courage to make the
compromises that are necessary so global trade works for all economies.
Together, we can strengthen agriculture. Cooperation between
Indian and American researchers and scientists sparked the Green
Revolution. Today, India is a leader in using technology to empower
farmers, like those I met yesterday who get free updates on market and
weather conditions on their cell phones. And the United States is a
leader in agricultural productivity and research. Now, as farmers and
rural areas face the effects of climate change and drought, we'll work
together to spark a second, more sustainable Evergreen Revolution.
Together, we're going to improve Indian weather forecasting
systems before the next monsoon season. We aim to help millions of
Indian farming households save water and increase productivity; improve
food processing so crops don't spoil on the way to market; and enhance
climate and crop forecasting to avoid losses that cripple communities
and drive up food prices.
Because the wealth of a nation also depends on the health of its
people, we'll continue to support India's efforts against diseases like
tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS, and as global partners, we'll work to improve
global health by preventing the spread of pandemic flu. And because
knowledge is the currency of the 21st century, we'll increase exchanges
between our students, colleges and universities, which are among the
best in the world.
As we work to advance our shared prosperity, we can partner to
address a second priority-our shared security. In Mumbai, I met with the
courageous families and survivors of that barbaric attack. And here in
this Parliament, which was itself targeted because of the democracy it
represents, we honor the memory of all those who have been taken from
us, including American citizens on 26/11 and Indian citizens on 9/11.
This is the bond we share. It's why we insist that nothing ever
justifies the slaughter of innocent men, women and children. It's why
we're working together, more closely than ever, to prevent terrorist
attacks and to deepen our cooperation even further. And it's why, as
strong and resilient societies, we refuse to live in fear, we will not
sacrifice the values and rule of law that defines us, and we will never
waver in the defense of our people.
America's fight against al Qaeda and its terrorist affiliates is
why we persevere in Afghanistan, where major development assistance from
India has improved the lives of the Afghan people. We're making
progress in our mission to break the Taliban's momentum and to train
Afghan forces so they can take the lead for their security. And while I
have made it clear that American forces will begin the transition to
Afghan responsibility next summer, I have also made it clear that
America's commitment to the Afghan people will endure. The United States
will not abandon the people of Afghanistan-or the region-to the violent
extremists who threaten us all.
Our strategy to disrupt, dismantle and defeat al Qaeda and its
affiliates has to succeed on both sides of the border. That is why we
have worked with the Pakistani government to address the threat of
terrorist networks in the border region. The Pakistani government
increasingly recognizes that these networks are not just a threat
outside of Pakistan-they are a threat to the Pakistani people, who have
suffered greatly at the hands of violent extremists.
And we will continue to insist to Pakistan's leaders that
terrorist safe-havens within their borders are unacceptable, and that
the terrorists behind the Mumbai attacks be brought to justice. We must
also recognize that all of us have and interest in both an Afghanistan
and a Pakistan that is stable, prosperous and democratic-and none more
so than India.
More broadly, India and the United States can partner in Asia.
Today, the United States is once again playing a leadership role in
Asia-strengthening old alliances; deepening relationships, as we are
doing with China; and we're reengaging with regional organizations like
ASEAN and joining the East Asia summit-organizations in which India is
also a partner. Like your neighbors in Southeast Asia, we want India to
not only "look East," we want India to "engage East"-because it will
increase the security and prosperity of all our nations.
And as two global leaders, the United States and India can
partner for global security-especially as India serves on the Security
Council over the next two years. Indeed, the just and sustainable
international order that America seeks includes a United Nations that is
efficient, effective, credible and legitimate. That is why I can say
today-in the years ahead, I look forward to a reformed U.N. Security
Council that includes India as a permanent member.
Now, let me suggest that with increased power comes increased
responsibility. The United Nations exists to fulfill its founding ideals
of preserving peace and security, promoting global cooperation, and
advancing human rights. These are the responsibilities of all nations,
but especially those that seek to lead in the 21st century. And so we
look forward to working with India-and other nations that aspire to
Security Council membership-to ensure that the Security Council is
effective; that resolutions are implemented and sanctions enforced; and
that we strengthen the international norms which recognize the rights
and responsibilities of all nations and individuals.
This includes our responsibility to prevent the spread of nuclear
weapons. Since I took office, the United States has reduced the role of
nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and agreed with
Russia to reduce our arsenals. We have put preventing nuclear
proliferation and nuclear terrorism at the top of our nuclear agenda,
and strengthened the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation
regime-the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Together, the United States and India can pursue our goal of
securing the world's vulnerable nuclear materials. We can make it clear
that even as every nation has the right to peaceful nuclear energy,
every nation must also meet its international obligations-and that
includes the Islamic Republic of Iran. And together, we can pursue a
vision that Indian leaders have espoused since independence-a world
without nuclear weapons. This leads me to the final area where our
countries can partner-strengthening the foundations of democratic
governance, not only at home but abroad.
Now, in a new collaboration on open government, our two countries
are going to share our experience, identify what works, and develop the
next-generation of tools to empower citizens. And in another example of
how American and Indian partnership can address global challenges,
we're going to share these innovations with civil society groups and
countries around the world. We're going to show that democracy, more
than any other form of government, delivers for the common man-and
woman.
As the world's two largest democracies, we must also never forget
that the price of our own freedom is standing up for the freedom of
others. Indians know this, for it is the story of your nation. Before he
ever began his struggle for Indian independence, Gandhi stood up for
the rights of Indians in South Africa. Just as others, including the
United States, supported Indian independence, India championed the
self-determination of peoples from Africa to Asia as they too broke free
from colonialism. And along with the United States, you've been a
leader in supporting democratic development and civil society groups
around the world. This, too, is part of India's greatness.
Every country will follow its own path. No one nation has a
monopoly on wisdom, and no nation should ever try to impose its values
on another. But when peaceful democratic movements are suppressed-as in
Burma-then the democracies of the world cannot remain silent. For it is
unacceptable to gun down peaceful protestors and incarcerate political
prisoners decade after decade. It is unacceptable to hold the
aspirations of an entire people hostage to the greed and paranoia of a
bankrupt regime. It is unacceptable to steal an election, as the regime
in Burma has done again for all the world to see.
Faced with such gross violations of human rights, it is the
responsibility of the international community-especially leaders like
the United States and India-to condemn it. If I can be frank, in
international fora, India has often avoided these issues. But speaking
up for those who cannot do so for themselves is not interfering in the
affairs of other countries. It's not violating the rights of sovereign
nations. It's staying true to our democratic principles. It's giving
meaning to the human rights that we say are universal. And it sustains
the progress that in Asia and around the world has helped turn
dictatorships into democracies and ultimately increased our security in
the world.
Promoting shared prosperity. Preserving peace and security.
Strengthening democratic governance and human rights. These are
the responsibilities of leadership. And, as global partners, this is the
leadership that the United States and India can offer in the 21st
century. Ultimately, however, this cannot be a relationship only between
presidents and prime ministers, or in the halls of this parliament.
Ultimately, this must be a partnership between our peoples. So I want to
conclude by speaking directly to the people of India watching today.
In your lives, you have overcome odds that might have overwhelmed
a lesser country. In just decades, you have achieved progress and
development that took other nations centuries. And now you are assuming
your rightful place as a leader among nations. Your parents and
grandparents imagined this. Your children and grandchildren will look
back on this. But only you-this generation of Indians-can seize the
possibility of this moment.
As you carry on with the hard work ahead, I want every Indian
citizen to know: the United States of America will not simply be
cheering you on from the sidelines. We will be right there with you,
shoulder to shoulder. Because we believe in the promise of India. And we
believe that the future is what we make it.
We believe that no matter who you are or where you come from,
every person can fulfill their God-given potential, just as a Dalit like
Dr. Ambedkar could lift himself up and pen the words of the
Constitution that protects the rights of all Indians.
We believe that no matter where you live-whether a village in
Punjab or the bylanes of Chandni Chowk…an old section of Kolkata or a
new high-rise in Bangalore-every person deserves the same chance to live
in security and dignity, to get an education, to find work, and to give
their children a better future.
And we believe that when countries and cultures put aside old
habits and attitudes that keep people apart, when we recognize our
common humanity, then we can begin to fulfill the aspirations we share.
It's a simple lesson contained in that collection of stories which has
guided Indians for centuries-the Panchtantra. And it's the spirit of the
inscription seen by all who enter this great hall: ‘That one is mine
and the other a stranger is the concept of little minds. But to the
large-hearted, the world itself is their family."
This is the story of India; it's the story of America-that
despite their differences, people can see themselves in one another, and
work together and succeed together as one proud nation. And it can be
the spirit of the partnership between our nations-that even as we honor
the histories which in different times kept us apart, even as we
preserve what makes us unique in a globalized world, we can recognize
how much we can achieve together.
Thank you, Jai Hind!, and long live the partnership between India and the United States."